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RESPONDING TO TERRORISM IN SOUTH ASIA
Even though South Asia has had a long and diverse experience of dealing with terrorism, post 9/11 a sense of urgency and seriousness has been reinforced with regard to it at the global level. The focus in this timely volume is on the strategies evolved by the South Asian states in responding to the challenge of terrorism. It is inevitable, however, that while looking at the strategies, essential characteristics of terrorism are also understood and explained as the nature of terrorism faced in each of the South Asian countries has its own specific aspects. The study is divided into two sections. In the first section states have responded to terrorism has been studied carefully. In the second section, some of the comparative aspects of the regional perspective, such as the role of civil societies, consequences of strategies pursued, role of the third parties, and political economy of terrorism and responding strategies have been taken up for discussion and analysis. There is also a data paper on South Asian terrorism included at the end. Contributors include Ajay Sahni, Samina Ahmed, Abdul Kalam, Ayesha Siddiqa, Deepak Thapa among many others.
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ASSERTIVE RELIGIOUS IDENTITIES
Arising out of a seminar at Jamia Millia Islamia in October 2003, this volume addresses an aspect of Indian society which has been a matter of widespread concern: the working, that is, of major institutions — some Hindu, some Muslim — whose ideologies and positions have been socially separative: These institutions— Arya Samaj, the seminary at Deoband, RSS, Tablighi Jamaat — have been active for several generations now. While their ostensible functions are ‘religious’ or ‘cultural’, which seem innocent enough, for their (implicitly or explicitly separative) agendas, these have worked: out low cost forms of organization and activity which have given them a rather formidable expansive dynamic, which has significant transnational dimensions in each case. Their activities and campaigns have often been aggressive, sometimes prone to violence; and these have served, may be unintentionally, to provoke each other, thereby giving the other side justification for its own contentious activities, as if in collective self-defence. The mutual provocations have, over the decades, confirmed for both sides a sense of their own victimhood.
These social mechanisms have had significant social and political consequences — yet have remained largely off the radars of public attention. It is a complex theme; and this volume presents many facets from different angles. Several contributors employ a long term historical perspective; and also a comparative one, reaching out to Europe, another major region where the mutual relations between major religious traditions have also been problematical for a very long time.
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UNDERSTANDING TERRORISM IN SOUTH ASIA
Terrorism is now an over-defined concept with the state, intellectuals, dissenters, and anti-state activists constantly batting out its meaning. While analyzing terrorism the authors of this volume have tried to highlight the following contentions. First, both state and non-state actors are culpable when it comes to reproducing terrorism, although as a policy the state was the first to institutionalize it. Second, the colonial state was notorious when it came to reproducing terrorism, not merely for channelizing its coercive machineries but for institutionalizing terrorism as a matter of state policy. Third, non-state terrorism during the colonial era remained qualitatively different from the post-colonial era mainly for the practice of keeping out civil society from influencing state policy. Fourth, state’s policy of counter-terrorism proved more counter-productive in tackling non-state terrorism. Fifth, modern weapons technology has virtually reconceptualized terrorism, not only nationally but also internationally. Sixth, while the state resorted to terrorism mainly for containing the power of dissenting subalterns, the latter also through acts of terrorism found convenient to project its grievances against the state. Seventh, misgovernance of the state, marginality of communities, and national deprivation, all contribute directly to the reproduction of non-state terrorism. Finally, globalization has provided fresh impetus to terrorism in terms of international networks and the supply of materials.
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NEGOTIATING FOR INDIA
The book is a chronological compilation of the author’s diplomatic experiences when, during his Foreign Service career, he was involved in seven unconnected negotiating responsibilities. No other officer was entrusted with comparable burdens but he acknowledges that they came to him by bureaucratic happenstance. In the first three-accompanying Nehru to Bhutan (1958), leading the official team for India-China Boundary talks (1960), negotiating compensation for Indians expelled by ldi Amins’ Uganda (1975)-he was only a secretatriat offical. During the last four-normalizing relations with Pakistan and negotiating Salal hydroelectric project on a ‘Pakistani’ river (1976), Farakka negotiations with Bangladesh (1977), and separating Trade and Transit with Nepal (1978)–he was the Foreign Secretary which enabled him to recommend improvisations to resolve inherited deadlocks. Most negotiations were with unequal neighbours, which required anticipating the perceptions (and misperceptions) of the sovereign partners. Suspicions–justified or exaggerated–of coercion and hegemonism had to be assuaged.
Mehta also recalls the personalities of select colleagues and negotiating opposite numbers, the ablest amongst whom was Chang-wen-chin, his Chinese counter part. According to Mehta dueling all day intellectually but toasting each other’s nations after sundown, symbolizes the unique calling of professional diplomacy.
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